-
Notifications
You must be signed in to change notification settings - Fork 1
/
Copy pathgram.tex
4027 lines (3449 loc) · 181 KB
/
gram.tex
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
100
101
102
103
104
105
106
107
108
109
110
111
112
113
114
115
116
117
118
119
120
121
122
123
124
125
126
127
128
129
130
131
132
133
134
135
136
137
138
139
140
141
142
143
144
145
146
147
148
149
150
151
152
153
154
155
156
157
158
159
160
161
162
163
164
165
166
167
168
169
170
171
172
173
174
175
176
177
178
179
180
181
182
183
184
185
186
187
188
189
190
191
192
193
194
195
196
197
198
199
200
201
202
203
204
205
206
207
208
209
210
211
212
213
214
215
216
217
218
219
220
221
222
223
224
225
226
227
228
229
230
231
232
233
234
235
236
237
238
239
240
241
242
243
244
245
246
247
248
249
250
251
252
253
254
255
256
257
258
259
260
261
262
263
264
265
266
267
268
269
270
271
272
273
274
275
276
277
278
279
280
281
282
283
284
285
286
287
288
289
290
291
292
293
294
295
296
297
298
299
300
301
302
303
304
305
306
307
308
309
310
311
312
313
314
315
316
317
318
319
320
321
322
323
324
325
326
327
328
329
330
331
332
333
334
335
336
337
338
339
340
341
342
343
344
345
346
347
348
349
350
351
352
353
354
355
356
357
358
359
360
361
362
363
364
365
366
367
368
369
370
371
372
373
374
375
376
377
378
379
380
381
382
383
384
385
386
387
388
389
390
391
392
393
394
395
396
397
398
399
400
401
402
403
404
405
406
407
408
409
410
411
412
413
414
415
416
417
418
419
420
421
422
423
424
425
426
427
428
429
430
431
432
433
434
435
436
437
438
439
440
441
442
443
444
445
446
447
448
449
450
451
452
453
454
455
456
457
458
459
460
461
462
463
464
465
466
467
468
469
470
471
472
473
474
475
476
477
478
479
480
481
482
483
484
485
486
487
488
489
490
491
492
493
494
495
496
497
498
499
500
501
502
503
504
505
506
507
508
509
510
511
512
513
514
515
516
517
518
519
520
521
522
523
524
525
526
527
528
529
530
531
532
533
534
535
536
537
538
539
540
541
542
543
544
545
546
547
548
549
550
551
552
553
554
555
556
557
558
559
560
561
562
563
564
565
566
567
568
569
570
571
572
573
574
575
576
577
578
579
580
581
582
583
584
585
586
587
588
589
590
591
592
593
594
595
596
597
598
599
600
601
602
603
604
605
606
607
608
609
610
611
612
613
614
615
616
617
618
619
620
621
622
623
624
625
626
627
628
629
630
631
632
633
634
635
636
637
638
639
640
641
642
643
644
645
646
647
648
649
650
651
652
653
654
655
656
657
658
659
660
661
662
663
664
665
666
667
668
669
670
671
672
673
674
675
676
677
678
679
680
681
682
683
684
685
686
687
688
689
690
691
692
693
694
695
696
697
698
699
700
701
702
703
704
705
706
707
708
709
710
711
712
713
714
715
716
717
718
719
720
721
722
723
724
725
726
727
728
729
730
731
732
733
734
735
736
737
738
739
740
741
742
743
744
745
746
747
748
749
750
751
752
753
754
755
756
757
758
759
760
761
762
763
764
765
766
767
768
769
770
771
772
773
774
775
776
777
778
779
780
781
782
783
784
785
786
787
788
789
790
791
792
793
794
795
796
797
798
799
800
801
802
803
804
805
806
807
808
809
810
811
812
813
814
815
816
817
818
819
820
821
822
823
824
825
826
827
828
829
830
831
832
833
834
835
836
837
838
839
840
841
842
843
844
845
846
847
848
849
850
851
852
853
854
855
856
857
858
859
860
861
862
863
864
865
866
867
868
869
870
871
872
873
874
875
876
877
878
879
880
881
882
883
884
885
886
887
888
889
890
891
892
893
894
895
896
897
898
899
900
901
902
903
904
905
906
907
908
909
910
911
912
913
914
915
916
917
918
919
920
921
922
923
924
925
926
927
928
929
930
931
932
933
934
935
936
937
938
939
940
941
942
943
944
945
946
947
948
949
950
951
952
953
954
955
956
957
958
959
960
961
962
963
964
965
966
967
968
969
970
971
972
973
974
975
976
977
978
979
980
981
982
983
984
985
986
987
988
989
990
991
992
993
994
995
996
997
998
999
1000
\chapter{Grammar in a theory of action}
\label{ch:gram}
\setcounter{equation}{0}
% \todo{Christiansen and Chater Now-or-Never bottleneck}
\section{Introduction}
In Chapter~\ref{ch:infex} we made the simplifying assumption that
sentences come as single unanalyzed units (something like the
assumption that is made in propositional logic). In this chapter we
will deal with the same simple examples but break the sentences down
into their constituent parts. (This will be something like moving
from propositional logic to predicate logic without quantifiers.)
In order to do this we will need more complex signs.
\section{Constituent structure and events}
We will first consider how linguistic constituent structure is related
to our general perception of events. We have so far talked of events
in terms of string types which we have related to finite state
automata. Finite state automata are equivalent to regular grammars.
We will now consider an example of how we perceive events which
suggest a more complex structure in terms of strings of regular
types. This gives us something which is equivalent to recursive
transition networks (RTNs) which are in turn equivalent to context
free grammars.\footnote{For a general introduction to automata theory
and its relation to the Chomsky hierarchy see, for example,
\cite{ParteeMeulenWall1990}.} Consider an event type of bus trips,
\textit{BusTrip}. This could be defined as in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
%\textit{BusTrip} $\equiv$
\textit{GetBus}$^{\frown}$\textit{TravelOnBus}$^{\frown}$\textit{GetOffBus}
\label{ex:bustrip}
\end{ex}
Each of the three event types which are concatenated in \preveg{}
could be further broken down into strings of events. For example,
\textit{GetBus} might be defined as in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
% \textit{GetBus} $\equiv$
\textit{WaitAtBusstop}*$^{\frown}$\textit{BusArrive}$^{\frown}$\textit{GetOnBus}
\end{ex}
The elements in \preveg{} could be broken down further. For example,
getting on the bus could be analyzed in terms of going towards a door
on the bus, waiting for the door to open, placing one foot on the step
into the bus and then the other, paying for your ticket and so on.
There seems almost no limit to how finegrained an analysis of events
we can give. Which muscles do you have to move in order to place your
right foot inside the bus? What events are involved in the contraction
of this muscle? However, there seems to be a limit on the level of
detail we need to be conscious of (or even are capable of being
conscious of) in order to carry out a high level action like getting
on a bus. We can also build upwards from the type \textit{BusTrip}.
For example, many bus trips are not direct in that we have to change
buses in order to reach our destination. Thus a bus trip can consist
of a string of events where you get on a bus, travel on it and then
get off it again. A return bus trip involves a bus trip from one
place to another followed (after intervening events) by a bus trip
from the second place back to the first. Both of those bus trips
might involve several buses if the connection is not direct.
% The notation we have used in (\ref{ex:bustrip}) and \preveg{} is used
% to mean that what occurs to the left of $\equiv$ is a convenient
% notational abbreviation for what occurs on the right. That is,
% whenever we write the symbol on the left, that is just shorthand for
% the longer expression on the right.
Given the two definitions in
(\ref{ex:bustrip}) and \preveg{}, \textit{BusTrip} could be seen as an
abbreviation for the regular string type in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
\textit{WaitAtBusstop}*$^{\frown}$\textit{BusArrive}$^{\frown}$\textit{GetOnBus}$^{\frown}$\textit{TravelOnBus}$^{\frown}$\textit{GetOffBus}
\end{ex}
Thus while our notation is giving us the beginnings of a hierarchical
organization, the type that is represented by the notation is not
hierarchically organized. We are still in the realm of a finite state
system.
Compare this with the statements in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
\begin{subex}
\item $e$ : \textit{BusTrip} iff $e$ : \textit{GetBus}$^{\frown}$\textit{TravelOnBus}$^{\frown}$\textit{GetOffBus}
\item $e$ : \textit{GetBus} iff $e$ : \textit{WaitAtBusstop}*$^{\frown}$\textit{BusArrive}$^{\frown}$\textit{GetOnBus}
\end{subex}
\end{ex}
The statements in \preveg{} claim that there are distinct types
\textit{BusTrip} and \textit{GetBus} in addition to the regular types
used on the right-hand side of `iff'. These types are
\textit{equivalent} to the regular types in the sense that anything of
the one type will be of the other type. Now the type system
is
hierarchically organized and includes two additional ``higher''
types \textit{BusTrip} and \textit{GetBus}. On the face of it one
might think that the type system with the additional higher types
would be just a more complicated way of achieving the same result and
would be less efficient than a system which just includes the regular
types. However, there seems to be good reason to suppose that an
organism that organizes its event perception in terms of such a
hierarchical type system would have serious advantages over an
organism that lacks the hierachical organization. These advantages
include at least the following:
\begin{description}
\item[access and compact representation] Recall from
Chapter~\ref{ch:percint} that we want to consider the types that an
agent has available as resources as being represented in the brain
states of the agent. Having higher types means
that something corresponding to a complex type can be stored as a
single element. In a complex reasoning task this can give
considerable advantage in that the task can be represented in a more
compact fashion and it can be easier to access (search and find)
something which is a single element rather than something which is
represented in terms of a complex string each element of which has
to be checked in order to be sure that you have found the right element.
\item[planning] Having a compact representation facilitates
planning. It is feasible to plan to take a bus trip given that we
can conceive of it as such without having to plan for all the small
subevents that make it up, for example, all that is involved in
lifting your legs in the right way in order get on the bus. The
ability to plan actions seems based on an ability to classify events
in a hierarchical way.
\item[reuse] A hierarchical organization of event types means that
certain event types can be reused in other event types. For
example, getting on a bus (waiting for the doors to open, putting
one foot inside and so on) can be very much like getting on a
train. Similarly, paying for a ticket on a bus trip involves an
exchange of money for a ticket in much the same way for a bus, a
tram, a train, a theatre performance and so on. An agent which is
not able to perceive this kind of generalization would at best use
up a lot of memory coding the same event types over and over as
parts of different larger event types.
\item[learning] The hierarchical organization of event types and the reuse
capabilities it offers also facilitates learning of new event
types. In learning to take the tram it can be useful to reuse what
you have learnt about buying tickets on buses and insert it ready
made into your type for tram trips. If it turns out that the
procedure for buying tickets for trams is slightly different from
for buses (for example, you can buy a ticket on the bus but you have
to pay before you get on the tram) you nevertheless have a buying
ticket type which you can modify. This might involve creating more
types corresponding to those strings which the two ticket buying
procedures have in common to separate out the differences between
the two procedures.
\end{description}
Related observations about the importance of hierarchical structure
for behaviour and its relationship to hierarchical reinforcement
learning and neurological structure have been
made for example by
\cite{Botvinick2008,BotvinickNivBarto2009,Ribas-FernandesSolwayDiukMcGuireBartoNivBotvinick2011}.
Introducing hierarchical types in this way is an important step in our
cognitive processing of events because of the computational and
learning processes indicated above even if the class of events we are
formally able to recognize is the same as what could be recognized by
non-hierarchical regular string types, that is, technically, finite
state languages. An organism with hierarchically organized types will
have important advantages in acquiring new finite state event
patterns. An evolutionary step from non-hierarchically organized
string types to hierarchically organized types is a significant
development and organisms with hierarchical types will have clear
evolutionary advantages over those that do not.
However, hierarchical organization brings with it, almost as a kind of
side effect, something which means that the organism could recognize
classes of events that are not finite state. This is known as
\textit{recursion}. Hierarchical organization means that we can give
type definitions of the form in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
$a:T$ iff $a:T_1^{\frown}\ldots^{\frown}T_n$
\end{ex}
If we do not explicitly rule it out there is nothing to say that one
of the $T_i$ is not $T$ itself. Of course, things will go badly wrong
if we have a definition such as \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
$a:T$ iff $a:T_1^{\frown}T^{\frown}T_2$
\end{ex}
If we try to perceive or create something of this type we will not be
able to terminate and get into an endless string of objects of type
$T_1$ and never be able to move on to $T_2$. However, if we define $T$
in terms of a join type where at least one of the types in the join
does not contain $T$, things will work fine. For example, \nexteg{}:
\begin{ex}
$a:T$ iff $a:(T_1^{\frown}T^{\frown}T_2\vee T_1^{\frown}T_2)$
\end{ex}
According to \preveg{} anything of type $T$ will be a string of
objects of type $T_1$ followed by a string of equal length of objects
of type $T_2$. It is the requirement ``of equal length'' which means
that this type is not a regular type. For example, we could have the
the regular type $T_1^{+\frown}T_2^+$ but this only expresses that we
require a non-empty string of objects of type $T_1$ followed by a
non-empty string of objects of type $T_2$ without the equal length
requirement. What we have done here is restate a basic result from
formal language theory in terms of our types. In formal language
theory one talks of languages of the form $a^nb^m$ (the set of strings of $n$
$a$'s followed by a string of $m$ $b$'s, for any $n$ and $m$ greater
than 0) which is
a regular or finite state language and $a^nb^n$ (the set of strings of
$n$ $a$'s followed by $n$ $b$'s, for any $n$ greater than 0) which is
context free. While this possibility of recursion is offered as soon as we allow
the hierarchical typing of events in this way, it is not clear that it
is exploited to a great extent in non-linguistic events. The clear
examples that seem to exist are examples like opening and closing Chinese boxes, that is,
boxes within boxes. The type of opening and closing (reassembling) a
Chinese box could be characterized as the $a^nb^n$-type in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
$e$ : \textit{OpenClose} iff \\
$e$ : (\textit{Open}$^{\frown}$\textit{OpenClose}$^{\frown}$\textit{Close}
$\vee$ \textit{Open}$^{\frown}$\textit{Close})
\end{ex}
It is significant in this kind of example that the ordering of the
events is forced on the agent by the physical reality of the boxes.
There is only one order in which you can open all the boxes and only
one order (the reverse order) in which you can close them if you are
going to assemble all the boxes within a single box. It is unclear
that such ordering is required in non-linguistic event types when it
is not dictated by physical reality.
\section{Syntax}
We now turn our attention to how this hierarchical organization is
reflected in the nature of linguistic events.\footnote{A version of
some material from this section has appeared in \cite{Cooper2014}.} In
Chapter~\ref{ch:infex} we used \nexteg{} as our sign type.
\begin{ex}
\record{\tfield{s-event}{\textit{SEvent}} \\
\tfield{cont}{\textit{Cont}}}
\end{ex}
This represents the pairing of a speech event with content in a
Saussurean sign. It does not, however, require the presence of any
hierarchical information in the sign corresponding to what in
linguistic theory is normally referred to as the \textit{constituent} (or
\textit{phrase}) structure of the utterance. To some extent it is
arbitrary where we add this information. We could, for example, add
it under the label `s-event', perhaps by dividing `s-event.e' into two
fields `phon' and `syn' (``syntax''). However, it will be more
convenient (in terms of keeping paths that we need to refer to often
shorter) to add a third field labelled `syn' at the top level of the
sign type as in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
\record{\tfield{s-event}{\textit{SEvent}} \\
\tfield{syn}{\textit{Syn}} \\
\tfield{cont}{\textit{Cont}}}
\end{ex}
As we will see below, \textit{Syn} will require a
`daughters'-field for a string of signs. This means that
\textit{Sign} becomes a recursive type. It will be a \textit{basic}
type with its witnesses defined by \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
$\sigma$ : \textit{Sign} iff $\sigma$ : \record{\tfield{s-event}{\textit{SEvent}} \\
\tfield{syn}{\textit{Syn}} \\
\tfield{cont}{\textit{Cont}}}
\end{ex}
We shall take \textit{Syn} to be the type \nexteg{}.\footnote{One
might think that \textit{Syn} should also be defined as a recursive
type since it can contain \textit{Sign} which in its turn can
contain \textit{Syn}. However, in the types we are currently
proposing the only way for \textit{Syn} to recur is through
\textit{Sign} and it is sufficient for \textit{Sign} to
be defined recursively to ensure that we do not introduce record
types that are non-well founded sets of ordered pairs. That is, we
want to avoid the mathematical object which is the type being a set
which contains itself. In contrast the set of witnesses for
a recursive type, while it will be infinite, will be well-founded.}
\begin{ex}
\record{\tfield{cat}{\textit{Cat}} \\
\tfield{daughters}{\textit{Sign}$^*$}}
\end{ex}
The type \textit{Sign}, as so far defined, can be seen as a
\textit{universal resource}. By this we mean that it is a type which
is available for all languages.
\textit{Cat} is the type of names of syntactic categories. In this chapter we
will take the witnesses of \textit{Cat} to be: `s' (``sentence''), `np' (``noun phrase''),
`det' (``determiner''), `n' (``noun''), `v' (``verb'') and `vp' (``verb
phrase''). These correspond to the categories we will use to cover
the expressions of the fragment of English we introduced in
Chapter~\ref{ch:infex}. We will use capitalized versions of these
category names to represent types of signs with the appropriate path in a
sign type as in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
\begin{subex}
\item \textit{S} represents \smallrecord{
\footnotesize{\textit{Sign}}\\
\smalltfield{syn}{\smallrecord{\smallmfield{cat}{s}{\textit{Cat}}}}}
\item \textit{NP} represents \smallrecord{
\footnotesize{\textit{Sign}}\\
\smalltfield{syn}{\smallrecord{\smallmfield{cat}{np}{\textit{Cat}}}}}
\item \textit{Det} represents \smallrecord{
\footnotesize{\textit{Sign}}\\
\smalltfield{syn}{\smallrecord{\smallmfield{cat}{det}{\textit{Cat}}}}}
\item \textit{N} represents \smallrecord{
\footnotesize{\textit{Sign}}\\
\smalltfield{syn}{\smallrecord{\smallmfield{cat}{n}{\textit{Cat}}}}}
\item \textit{V} represents \smallrecord{
\footnotesize{\textit{Sign}}\\
\smalltfield{syn}{\smallrecord{\smallmfield{cat}{v}{\textit{Cat}}}}}
\item \textit{VP} represents \smallrecord{
\footnotesize{\textit{Sign}}\\
\smalltfield{syn}{\smallrecord{\smallmfield{cat}{vp}{\textit{Cat}}}}}
\end{subex}
\label{ex:catsigntypes}
\end{ex}
Recall that the symbol \d{$\wedge$} represents the merge operation on
types as defined in Appendix~\ref{app:merge}. This means that, for
example, \preveg{a} is the type in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
\record{\tfield{s-event}{\record{\tfield{e-loc}{\textit{Loc}} \\
\tfield{sp}{\textit{Ind}} \\
\tfield{au}{\textit{Ind}} \\
\tfield{e}{\textit{Phon}} \\
\tfield{c$_{\mathrm{loc}}$}{loc(e,e-loc)} \\
\tfield{c$_{\mathrm{sp}}$}{speaker(e,sp)} \\
\tfield{c$_{\mathrm{au}}$}{audience(e,au)}}} \\
\tfield{syn}{\record{\mfield{cat}{s}{\textit{Cat}} \\
\tfield{daughters}{\textit{Sign}$^*$}}} \\
\tfield{cont}{\textit{Cont}}}
\end{ex}
We might think that the type \textit{Cat} is a language specific
resource and indeed if we were being more precise we might introduce
separate types for different languages such as
\textit{Cat}$_{\mathit{eng}}$, \textit{Cat}$_{\mathit{swe}}$ and
\textit{Cat}$_{\mathit{tag}}$ for
the type of category names of English, Swedish and Tagalog respectively.
However, there is a strong intuition that categories in different
languages are more or less related. For example, we would not be
surprised to find that the categories available for English and
Swedish closely overlap (despite the fact that their internal
syntactic structure differs) whereas the categories of English and Tagalog
have less overlap. (See \citealp{Gil2000} for discussion.) For this
reason we assume that there is a universal resource \textit{Cat} and
that each language will have a subtype of \textit{Cat} which specifies
which of the categories are used in that particular language. This is
related to the kind of view of linguistic universals as a kind of
toolbox from which languages can choose which is put forward by
\cite{Jackendoff2002}.
The ontological status of objects of type \textit{Cat} as we have
presented them is a little suspicious. Intuitively, categories should
be subtypes of \textit{Sign}, that is, like the types such as \textit{S},
\textit{NP} and so on in (\ref{ex:catsigntypes}). We have identified
signs belonging to these types as containing a particular object in
\textit{Cat} in their `cat'-field. But one might try to characterize
such signs in a different way, for example,as fulfilling certain conditions
such as having certain kinds of daughters. However, this is not quite enough, for
example, for lexical categories, which do not have daughters. We have
to have a way of assigning categories to words and we need to create
something in the sign-type that will indicate the arbitrary assignment
of a category to a word. For want of a better solution we will
introduce the category names which belong to the type \textit{Cat}
as a kind of ``book-keeping'' device that will identify a sign-type as
being one whose witnesses belong to the category bearing that name.
The `daughters'-field is required to be a string of signs, possibly
the empty string, since the type \textit{Sign}$^*$ uses the Kleene-*,
that is the type of strings of signs including the empty string,
$\varepsilon$. (See Appendix~\ref{sec:regular}.) Lexical items, that is words and phrases which are
entered in the lexicon, will be related to signs which have the empty
string of daughters. We will use \textit{NoDaughters} to represent
the type
\smallrecord{\smalltfield{syn}{\smallrecord{\smallmfield{daughters}{$\varepsilon$}{\textit{Sign}$^*$}}}}.
If $T_{\mathrm{phon}}$ is a phonological type (that is,
$T_{\mathrm{phon}}\sqsubseteq\textit{Phon}$) and $T_{\mathrm{sign}}$
is a sign type (that is, $T_{\mathrm{sign}}\sqsubseteq\textit{Sign}$, then we shall use
Lex($T_{\mathrm{phon}}$, $T_{\mathrm{sign}}$) to represent \nexteg{}
\begin{ex}
(($T_{\mathrm{sign}}$ \d{$\wedge$}
\smallrecord{\smalltfield{s-event}{\smallrecord{\smalltfield{e}{$T_{\mathrm{phon}}$}}}})
\d{$\wedge$} \textit{NoDaughters})
\end{ex}
This means, for
example, that \nexteg{a} represents the type in \nexteg{b}
which, after spelling out the abbreviations, can be seen to be the
type in \nexteg{c}.
\begin{ex}
\begin{subex}
\item Lex(``Dudamel'', \textit{NP})
\item (
\smallrecord{
\footnotesize{\textit{NP}}\\
\smalltfield{s-event}{\smallrecord{\smalltfield{e}{``Dudamel''}}}}
\d{$\wedge$} \textit{NoDaughters})
\item \record{\tfield{s-event}{\record{\tfield{e-loc}{\textit{Loc}} \\
\tfield{sp}{\textit{Ind}} \\
\tfield{au}{\textit{Ind}} \\
\tfield{e}{``Dudamel''} \\
\tfield{c$_{\mathrm{loc}}$}{loc(e,e-loc)} \\
\tfield{c$_{\mathrm{sp}}$}{speaker(e,sp)} \\
\tfield{c$_{\mathrm{au}}$}{audience(e,au)}}} \\
\tfield{syn}{\record{\mfield{cat}{np}{\textit{Cat}} \\
\mfield{daughters}{$\varepsilon$}{\textit{Sign}$^*$}}} \\
\tfield{cont}{\textit{Cont}}}
\end{subex}
\label{ex:DudamelLex}
\end{ex}
We can think of `Lex' as the function in \nexteg{}\footnote{We are
using the notational convention for function application as used,
for example, by
\cite{Montague1973} that if $f$ is a function $f(a,b)$ is $f(b)(a)$.}
\begin{ex}
$\lambda T_1$:\textit{Type}\\
\hspace*{.25em}$\lambda T_2$:\textit{Type} . \\
\hspace*{.5em}\mbox{(($T_1$ \d{$\wedge$}
\smallrecord{\smalltfield{s-event}{\smallrecord{\smalltfield{e}{$T_2$}}}})
\d{$\wedge$} \textit{NoDaughters})}
\end{ex}
This function, which is used to create sign types for lexical items in a
language, associating types with a syntactic category, can be seen as
a universal resource. We can think of it as representing a (somewhat
uninteresting, but nevertheless true) linguistic universal: ``There
can be speech events of given types which have
no daughters (lexical items)''.
The lexical resources needed to cover our example
fragment is given in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
Lex(``Dudamel'', \textit{NP}) \\
Lex(``Beethoven'', \textit{NP}) \\
Lex(``a'', \textit{Det}) \\
Lex(``composer'', \textit{N}) \\
Lex(``conductor'', \textit{N}) \\
Lex(``is'', \textit{V}) \\
Lex(``ok'', \textit{S}) \\
Lex(``aha'',\textit{S})
\label{ex:gramlexres}
\end{ex}
The choice of \textit{S} for ``ok'' and ``aha'' might be seen as an
arbitrary choice for the sake of this particular restricted fragment
of English. We will not pursue details of the syntax of these
particles here.
The types in \preveg{} belong to the specific resources required for
English. This is not to say that these resources cannot be shared with
other languages. Proper names like \textit{Dudamel} and
\textit{Beethoven} have a special status in that they can be reused in
any language, though often in modified form, at least in terms of the
phonological type with which they are associated without this being
perceived as quotation, code-switching or simply showing off that you
know another language.
Resources like \preveg{} can be exploited by action rules. If
Lex($T_w$, $C$)
is one of the lexical resources available to an agent $A$
and $A$ judges an event $e$ to be of type $T_w$, then $A$ is
licensed to update their gameboard with the type Lex($T_w$, $C$).
Intuitively, this means that if the agent hears an utterance of the
word ``composer'', then they can conclude that they have heard a sign
which has the category noun. This is the beginning of
\textit{parsing}, which we will regard as the same kind of update
involved in event perception as discussed in the previous chapters.
The action rule corresponding to lexical resources
like \preveg{}, \textsc{LexRes}, is given in \nexteg{}, where we use `$T$
resource$_A$' to mean that the type $T$ is a resource available to
$A$. Here the relevant resource is a type returned by the function `Lex'.) We will return below to how
this relates to gameboard update.
\begin{ex}
\begin{prooftree}
\hypo{\text{Lex}(T,C) \text{ resource}_A}
\hypo{u:_A T}
\infer[enth]2{:_A(\text{Lex}(T,C)\text{\d{$\wedge$}\smallrecord{\smalltfield{s-event}{\smallrecord{\smallmfield{e}{$u$}{$T$}}}}})}
\end{prooftree}
% If Lex($T$, $C$) is a resource available to agent $A$, then for any
% $u$, $u:_A T$ licenses $:_A$ Lex($T$, $C$)
% \d{$\wedge$}\smallrecord{\smalltfield{s-event}{\smallrecord{\smallmfield{e}{$u$}{$T_1$}}}}
\end{ex}
\preveg{} says that an agent with lexical resource Lex($T$, $C$) who
judges a speech event, $u$, to be of type $T$ is licensed to judge that
there is a sign of type Lex($T$, $C$) whose `s-event.e'-field contains
$u$.
Strings of utterances of words can be classified as utterances of
phrases. That is, speech events are hierarchically organized into
types of speech events in the way that we discussed at the beginning
of this chapter. Agents have resources which allow them to reclassify
a string of signs of certain types (``the daughters'') into a single
sign of another type (``the mother''). So for example a string of
type \textit{Det}$^{\frown}$\textit{N} can lead us to the conclusion
that we have observed a sign of type \textit{NP} whose daughters are
of the type \textit{Det}$^{\frown}$\textit{N}. The resource that
allows us to do this is a rule which we will
model as the function in \nexteg{a} which we will represent as \nexteg{b}.
\begin{ex}
\begin{subex}
\item $\lambda u$ : \textit{Det}$^{\frown}$\textit{N} . \\
\hspace*{1em}
\smallrecord{
\footnotesize{\textit{NP}}\\ \smalltfield{syn}{\smallrecord{\smallmfield{daughters}{$u$}{\textit{Det}$^{\frown}$\textit{N}}}}}
\item RuleDaughters(\textit{NP}, \textit{Det}$^{\frown}$\textit{N})
\end{subex}
\label{ex:NPDetNDaughters}
\end{ex}
`RuleDaughters' is to be the function in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
$\lambda T_1$:\textit{Type} \\
\hspace*{1em} $\lambda T_2$:\textit{Type}\ . \\
\hspace*{2em} $\lambda u\! :\! T_1$\ . $T_2$ \d{$\wedge$} \smallrecord{\smalltfield{syn}{\smallrecord{\smallmfield{daughters}{$u$}{$T_1$}}}}
\end{ex}
Thus `RuleDaughters', if provided with a subtype of \textit{Sign}$^+$
and a subtype of \textit{Sign} as arguments, will return a function which
maps a string of signs of the first type to the second type with the
restriction that the daughters field is filled by the string of
signs. `RuleDaughters' is one of a number of sign type construction
operations which we will introduce as universal resources which have
the property of returning a which combine signs. The action rule
associated with `RuleDaughters', \textsc{CombineDaughters}, is characterized in
\nexteg{}.
%@@ Give names to such principles
\begin{ex}
\begin{prooftree}
\hypo{f=\text{RuleDaughters}(T_{\text{mother}},T_{\text{daughters}})}
\hypo{f\text{ resource}_A}
\hypo{u:_A T_{\text{daughters}}}
\infer[enth]3{:_A f(u)}
\end{prooftree}
% If $f:(T_1\rightarrow Type)$ is a sign combination function available to agent $A$, then for
% any $u$, $u :_A T_1$ licenses $:_A f(u)$
\end{ex}
This means, for example, that if you categorize a string of signs as
being of type \textit{Det}$^{\frown}$\textit{N} then you are licensed to conclude
that there is a sign of type \textit{NP} with the additional
restriction that its daughters are $u$.
`RuleDaughters' takes care of the `daughters'-field but it says
nothing about the `s-event.e'-field, that is the phonological type
associated with the new sign. This should be required to be the
concatenation of all the `s-event.e'-fields in the daughters. If
$u:T^+$ where $T$ is a record type containing the path $\pi$, we will
use concat$_i$($u[i].\pi$),
the concatenation of all the values $u[i].\pi$ for each element in the
string $u$ in the order in which they occur in the string.
\begin{shaded}
This
definition is repeated in
Appendix~\ref{sec:regular}.\label{pg:concat-i}.
If $s$ is a string of length $n$ of records such that for each $i$,
$0\leq i<n$, $s[i].\pi$ is a defined path,
$\displaystyle\mathop{\mathrm{concat}}_{0\leq i<n}(s[i].\pi)$ denotes
$s[0].\pi\ldots s[n-1].\pi$. We use
concat$_i$($s[i].\pi$) to represent
$\displaystyle\mathop{\mathrm{concat}}_{0\leq
i<\mathrm{length}(s)}(s[i].\pi)$.
\end{shaded}
We can now
formulate the function ConcatPhon as in \nexteg{}
\begin{ex}
$\lambda
u$:\smallrecord{\smalltfield{s-event}{\smallrecord{\smalltfield{e}{\textit{Phon}}}}}$^+$\
. \\
\hspace*{1em}\record{\tfield{s-event}{\record{\mfield{e}{concat$_i$($u[i]$.s-event.e)}{\textit{Phon}}}}}
\end{ex}
ConcatPhon will map any string of speech events to the type of a
single speech event whose phonology (that is the value of `s-event.e')
is the concatenation of the phonologies of the individual speech
events in the string.
We want to combine the function \preveg{} with a function like that in
(\ref{ex:NPDetNDaughters}). We do this by merging the domain types of
the two functions and also merging the types that they return. This
is shown in \nexteg{a} which in deference to standard linguistic
notation for phrase structure rules could be represented as
\nexteg{b}.\footnote{Note that `$\longrightarrow$' used in the phrase
structure rule in \nexteg{b} is not the same arrow as `$\rightarrow$'
which is used in our notation for function types. We trust that the
different contexts in which they occur will help to distinguish them.}
\begin{ex}
\begin{subex}
\item $\lambda u$ : (\textit{Det}$^{\frown}$\textit{N} \d{$\wedge$} \smallrecord{\smalltfield{s-event}{\smallrecord{\smalltfield{e}{\textit{Phon}}}}}$^+$) . \\
\hspace*{1em}
\smallrecord{
\footnotesize{\textit{NP}}\\ \smalltfield{syn}{\smallrecord{\smallmfield{daughters}{$u$}{\textit{Det}$^{\frown}$\textit{N}}}}\\
\smalltfield{s-event}{\smallrecord{\smallmfield{e}{concat$_i$($u[i]$.s-event.e)}{\textit{Phon}}}}}
\item \textit{NP} $\longrightarrow$ \textit{Det} \textit{N}
\end{subex}
\label{eg:NPDetN}
\end{ex}
For any dependent types (that is, functions which return a type) of
the form \nexteg{a} and \nexteg{b}, \nexteg{c} (the merge of the two
functions) represents the function \nexteg{d}.
\begin{ex}
\begin{subex}
\item $\lambda r\!:\!T_1\ .\ T_2\dep{r}$
\item $\lambda r\!:\!T_3\ .\ T_4\dep{r}$
\item $\lambda r\!:\!T_1\ .\ T_2\dep{r}$ \d{\d{$\wedge$}} $\lambda
r\!:\!T_3\ .\ T_4\dep{r}$
\item $\lambda r\!:\!T_1$\d{$\wedge$}$T_3\ .\
T_2\dep{r}$\d{$\wedge$}$T_4\dep{r}$
\end{subex}
\end{ex}
If $C,C_1,\ldots,C_n$ are category sign types
as in (\ref{ex:catsigntypes}) then \nexteg{a} represents \nexteg{b}
\begin{ex}
\begin{subex}
\item $C \longrightarrow C_1 \ldots C_n$
\item RuleDaughters($C$,
${C_1}^{\frown}\ldots^{\frown}C_n$) \d{\d{$\wedge$}} ConcatPhon
\end{subex}
\end{ex}
Thus the function in (\ref{eg:NPDetN} can be
represented in a third way as in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
RuleDaughters(\textit{NP}, \textit{Det}$^{\frown}$\textit{N})
\d{\d{$\wedge$}} ConcatPhon
\end{ex}
The ability to factorize rules into
components in this way enables us to build a theory of resources
that will allow us to study them in isolation and also facilitates
the development of theories of learning. It gives us a clue to how agents can build new
rules by combining existing components in novel ways. It has implications for universality
as well. For example, while the rule
\textit{NP} $\longrightarrow$ \textit{Det} \textit{N} is not universal
(though it may be shared by a large number of languages), ConcatPhon
is a universally available rule component, allbeit a trivial universal
which says that you can have concatenations of speech events to make a
larger speech event.
The rules associated with our small grammar are given by \nexteg{}
\begin{ex}
\textit{S} $\longrightarrow$ \textit{NP} \textit{VP} \\
\textit{NP} $\longrightarrow$ \textit{Det} \textit{N} \\
\textit{VP} $\longrightarrow$ \textit{V} \textit{NP}
\end{ex}
It may seem that we have done an awful lot of work to arrive at simple
phrase structure rules. Some readers might wonder why it is worth all
this trouble to ground the rules in a theory of events and action when
what we come up with in the end is something that can be expressed in
a standard notation which is one of the first things that a student of
syntax learns. One reason has to do with our desire to explore the
relationship between the perception and processing of non-linguistics
events and speech events as discussed at the beginning of this
chapter. Another reason has to do with placing natural constraints on
syntax. By grounding syntactic structure in types of events we
provide a motivation for the kind of discussion in
\cite{Cooper1982}. An abstract
syntax which proposes constituent structure which does not correspond
to speech events is not grounded in the same way and thus presents a
different kind of theory.
\section{Semantics}
\label{sec:gram-semantics}
We have so far specified our sign types in terms of phonology and
syntax. Now we need to specify the content in the `cont'-field. We
shall start by accounting for the contents of the lexical items
specified in (\ref{ex:gramlexres}). We consider first the common
nouns \textit{composer} and \textit{conductor}. For each of these we
introduce a predicate of arity $\langle$\textit{Ind}$\rangle$. Our universal resources will include a function,
`SemCommonNoun' which will construct a common noun content from such a
predicate, $p$. This is defined as in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
SemCommonNoun($p$) = $\lambda
r$:\smallrecord{\smalltfield{x}{\textit{Ind}}} . \record{\tfield{e}{$p$($r$.x)}}
\end{ex}
The function in \preveg{} is of type
(\smallrecord{\smalltfield{x}{\textit{Ind}}}$\rightarrow$\textit{RecType}).
That is, it is a function which maps any record containing a field
labelled `x' with an individual as value to a record type. We will
abbreviate this type as \textit{Ppty} (for ``property'') and we will
call functions of this type \textit{properties}. In our compositional
semantics, properties will play a similar role as functions from
individuals to truth values in Montague
semantics, (that is, functions of type $\langle e,t\rangle$ in
Montague's system). In place of individuals, we use records with an `x'-field
containing an individual. The motivation for this will become
apparent later. Basically, we want to be
able to restrict the function by adding additional fields to the
domain type of the function.
In place of Montague's truth-values (that is, objects of
Montague's type $t$) we use record types. Record types play the role
of ``propositions'' in our system. Types, thought of as types of
situations, can be considered as truth-bearing objects. They are true
just in case there is something of the type and false otherwise, that
is, if there is
nothing of the type. The fact that we use the ``proposition-like''
objects as the results that our properties return is an essential
ingredient in our intensional treatment of properties. In this way it
follows in the tradition of property theory
\citep{ChierchiaTurner1988,FoxLappin2005} and Thomason's intensional
approach to propositional attitudes \citep{Thomason1980}.
We can now combine the `Lex'-function which builds sign types
excluding content information with our new way of constructing common
noun content. We define a function Lex$_{\mathrm{CommonNoun}}$ which
takes a phonological type and a predicate and returns a sign type.
This is defined in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
Lex$_{\mathrm{CommonNoun}}$($T_{\mathrm{phon}}$, $p$) = \\
\hspace*{1em}Lex($T_{\mathrm{phon}}$, \textit{N}) \d{$\wedge$} \smallrecord{\smallmfield{cont}{SemCommonNoun($p$)}{\textit{Ppty}}}
\end{ex}
Note that the type of the content required here is \textit{Ppty}. In
Chapter~\ref{ch:infex} we defined the content type \textit{Cont} to be
identical with \textit{RecType}. Now we have to revise the definition
of \textit{Cont} to be (\textit{RecType} $\vee$ \textit{Ppty}). We
will add further disjuncts to allow for more possibilities as we
progress.
In order to cover the two common nouns \textit{conductor} and
\textit{composer} we can include the sign types in \nexteg{} among our
resources.
\begin{ex}
\begin{subex}
\item Lex$_{\mathrm{CommonNoun}}$(``composer'', composer)
\item Lex$_{\mathrm{CommonNoun}}$(``conductor'', conductor)
\end{subex}
\end{ex}
Following Montague's (\citeyear{Montague1973}) original strategy we
shall treat the contents of noun-phrases such as \textit{Dudamel} or
\textit{a conductor} as being functions from properties to
truth-bearing elements, that is, in our terms, record types. That is,
noun-phrase contents will be of type
(\textit{Ppty}$\rightarrow$\textit{RecType}) which we will abbreviate
as \textit{Quant} (for ``quantifier''). This means that we should now
redefine the type of contents, \textit{Cont}, as \textit{RecType}
$\vee$ \textit{Ppty} $\vee$ \textit{Quant}.
Some readers may find this a rather old-fashioned approach to the
treatment of proper names which in proposals after Montague are
analyzed as representing individuals rather than quantifiers. There
is nothing in principle which rules out these more modern treatments
in TTR but for now we will keep to the classical Montague approach.
We will in any case change Montague's proposal in later chapters of
this book.
\textit{Dudamel} and
\textit{Beethoven} will receive proper name contents. The recipe for
constructing a proper name content based on a particular individual
$a$ is given by SemPropName($a$) as defined in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
SemPropName($a$) = \\
\hspace*{1em}$\lambda P$:\textit{Ppty} . $P$(\smallrecord{\field{x}{$a$}})
\end{ex}
We define Lex$_{\mathrm{PropName}}$ which takes a phonological type (a
name) and an individual (the referent of the name) and returns a sign
type as in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
Lex$_{\mathrm{PropName}}$($T_{\mathrm{Phon}}$, $a$) = \\
\hspace*{1em}Lex($T_{\mathrm{Phon}}$, \textit{NP}) \d{$\wedge$} \smallrecord{\smallmfield{cont}{SemPropName($a$)}{\textit{Quant}}}
\end{ex}
Resources to cover the proper names in our grammar could be as in
\nexteg{} where $d,b$ : \textit{Ind} (two individuals, Dudamel and
Beethoven).
\begin{ex}
\begin{subex}
\item Lex$_{\mathrm{PropName}}$(``Dudamel'', $d$)
\item Lex$_{\mathrm{PropName}}$(``Beethoven'', $b$)
\end{subex}
\end{ex}
Note that there is nothing to prevent us from constructing sign types
with the same phonological type but different contents. Thus proper
names are not required to be ``logically proper'' in the sense that
there is one and only one individual which can be referred to by an
utterance belonging to the phonological type. Names can be ambiguous.
For example, there are many composers named Bach and Strauss. We have
the means to construct sign types for all of them on an as needed
basis. This sign-based approach, even though it holds closely to
Montague's original treatment of proper names, has the advantage that
it does not require a proper name to be limited to a single individual
for its content. See \cite{Cooper2017a} for some further discussion.
Now that we have both properties and quantifiers let us check at this
point that we are on the right track for combining them in something
like the kind of way that we will need for compositional semantics.
Suppose we want to combine a proper name content for \textit{Dudamel}
\nexteg{a} with the property of being a conductor \nexteg{b}. The
obvious way to do this is by applying the function in \nexteg{a} to
the argument \nexteg{b} as represented in \nexteg{c}. According to
the definition of functional application in
Appendix~\ref{app:funtypes}, \nexteg{c} is identical to \nexteg{d}
which in turn is identical to \nexteg{e}. In turn the dot notation
for record path values shows
\nexteg{e} to be identical to \nexteg{f}.
\begin{ex}
\begin{subex}
\item $\lambda P$:\textit{Ppty} . $P$(\smallrecord{\field{x}{$d$}})
\item $\lambda
r$:\smallrecord{\smalltfield{x}{\textit{Ind}}}
. \record{\tfield{e}{conductor($r$.x)}}
\item $\lambda P$:\textit{Ppty} . $P$(\smallrecord{\field{x}{$d$}}) \\
\hspace*{1em}($\lambda
r$:\smallrecord{\smalltfield{x}{\textit{Ind}}}
. \record{\tfield{e}{conductor($r$.x)}})
\item $\lambda
r$:\smallrecord{\smalltfield{x}{\textit{Ind}}}
. \record{\tfield{e}{conductor($r$.x)}}(\smallrecord{\field{x}{$d$}})
\item \record{\tfield{e}{conductor(\smallrecord{\field{x}{$d$}}.x)}}
\item \record{\tfield{e}{conductor($d$)}}
\end{subex}
\label{ex:diac}
\end{ex}
This means that if we were dealing with a language like Russian where
\textit{Dudamel is a conductor} corresponds to a proper name followed
by a common noun we would have a good way of combining the two
contents by applying the content of the proper name to the content of
the common noun.\footnote{An alternative would be to treat the content
of a proper name as a record rather than a quantifier and apply the
property to the record as in \preveg{d}. This would correspond to
the treatment of proper names as individual denoting as discussed,
for example, by \cite{Partee1986}.} However, things are not quite so
straightforward in English. Here we use an indefinite article to form
the noun phrase \textit{a conductor}. We shall treat the content of
indefinite articles as a function that maps properties to quantifiers
involving the existential relation between properties. That is, it
will be a function of type (\textit{Ppty}$\rightarrow$\textit{Quant}),
a type which should be added to our definition of \textit{Cont} which
now becomes \textit{RecType}
$\vee$ \textit{Ppty} $\vee$ \textit{Quant} $\vee$
(\textit{Ppty}$\rightarrow$\textit{Quant}). As part of our
universal resources we introduce a function `SemIndefArt' which is
defined as the function in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
$\lambda Q$:\textit{Ppty} . \\
\hspace*{1em} $\lambda P$:\textit{Ppty}
. \record{\mfield{restr}{$Q$}{\textit{Ppty}} \\
\mfield{scope}{$P$}{\textit{Ppty}} \\
\tfield{e}{exist(restr, scope)}}
\label{ex:semindefart}
\end{ex}
We can also define a universal resource, Lex$_{\mathrm{IndefArt}}$, which associates a
phonological type (corresponding to an indefinite article in the
language) with this content, as defined in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
Lex$_{\mathrm{IndefArt}}$($T_{\mathrm{Phon}}$) = \\
\hspace*{1em} Lex($T_{\mathrm{Phon}}$, \textit{Det}) \d{$\wedge$} \smallrecord{\smallmfield{cont}{SemIndefArt}{(\textit{Ppty}$\rightarrow$\textit{Quant})}}
\end{ex}
The local resource for the English indefinite article would thus be
\nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
Lex$_{\mathrm{IndefArt}}$(``a'')
\end{ex}
The compositional semantics of a noun-phrase consisting of a
determiner followed by a noun will be the content of the determiner
applied to the content of the noun. This is a case of \textit{content
forward application}. We define a function `ContForwardApp', which is
part of the universal resources, as in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
$\lambda T_1$:\textit{Type} $\lambda T_2$:\textit{Type} . \\
\hspace*{1em}$\lambda
u$:\smallrecord{\smalltfield{cont}{$(T_2\rightarrow
T_1)$}}$^{\frown}$\smallrecord{\smalltfield{cont}{$T_2$}} . \\
\hspace*{2em}\smallrecord{\smallmfield{cont}{$u$[0].cont($u$[1].cont)}{$T_1$}}
\label{ex:ContForwardApp}
\end{ex}
The intuition behind this function is that if you observe a string of
two utterances, the first of which has a content of type
$(T_2\rightarrow T_1)$ and the second of which has a content of type
$T_2$ then you are licensed to conclude that there is an utterance
whose content is the result of applying the content of the first
element in the string to the content of the second element of the
string. (For the notation $s[n]$ representing the $n$th element of a
string $s$ see Appendix~\ref{app:strings}.) We can use
`ContForwardApp' to add constraints on content to a phrase structure
rule as in the example in \nexteg{}.
\begin{ex}
(\textit{NP} $\longrightarrow$ \textit{Det} \textit{N} \d{\d{$\wedge$}} ContForwardApp(\textit{Ppty},\textit{Quant}))
\end{ex}
Recall from (\ref{eg:NPDetN}a) that \textit{NP} $\longrightarrow$
\textit{Det} \textit{N} is the function
\nexteg{a}. ContForwardApp(\textit{Ppty},\textit{Quant}) is the
function \nexteg{b}. Merging these two functions yields \nexteg{c}.
\begin{ex}
\begin{subex}
\item $\lambda u$ :( \textit{Det}$^{\frown}$\textit{N} \d{$\wedge$} \smallrecord{\smalltfield{s-event}{\smallrecord{\smalltfield{e}{\textit{Phon}}}}}$^+$) . \\
\hspace*{1em}
\smallrecord{
\footnotesize{\textit{NP}}\\ \smalltfield{syn}{\smallrecord{\smallmfield{daughters}{$u$}{\textit{Det}$^{\frown}$\textit{N}}}}
\\
\smalltfield{s-event}{\smallrecord{\smallmfield{e}{concat$_i$($u[i]$.s-event.e)}{\textit{Phon}}}}}
\item $\lambda
u$:\smallrecord{\smalltfield{cont}{$(\mathit{Ppty}\rightarrow
\mathit{Quant})$}}$^{\frown}$\smallrecord{\smalltfield{cont}{\textit{Ppty}}} . \\
\hspace*{2em}\smallrecord{\smallmfield{cont}{$u$[0].cont($u$[1].cont)}{\textit{Quant}}}
\item $\lambda u$ : (\textit{Det}$^{\frown}$\textit{N} \d{$\wedge$}
\smallrecord{\smalltfield{s-event}{\smallrecord{\smalltfield{e}{\textit{Phon}}}}}$^+$) \\
\hspace*{4.9em} \d{$\wedge$} \smallrecord{\smalltfield{cont}{$(\mathit{Ppty}\rightarrow
\mathit{Quant})$}}$^{\frown}$\smallrecord{\smalltfield{cont}{\textit{Ppty}}}
. \\
\hspace*{1em}
\smallrecord{
\footnotesize{\textit{NP}}\\ \smalltfield{syn}{\smallrecord{\smallmfield{daughters}{$u$}{\textit{Det}$^{\frown}$\textit{N}}}}
\\
\smalltfield{s-event}{\smallrecord{\smallmfield{e}{concat$_i$($u[i]$.s-event.e)}{\textit{Phon}}}}
\\
\smallmfield{cont}{$u$[0].cont($u$[1].cont)}{\textit{Quant}}}
\end{subex}
\end{ex}
A convenient abbreviatory notation for this interpreted phrase
structure rule is given in \nexteg{a} or more simply, since we can
read the content types off the types \textit{Det} and \textit{N}, \nexteg{b}.
\begin{ex}
\begin{subex}
\item \textit{NP} $\longrightarrow$ \textit{Det N} $\mid$
\textit{Det}$'$(\textit{N}$'$:\textit{Ppty}):\textit{Quant}
\item \textit{NP} $\longrightarrow$ \textit{Det N} $\mid$
\textit{Det}$'$(\textit{N}$'$)
\end{subex}
\end{ex}
Here \textit{Det}$'$ and \textit{N}$'$ represent the contents of the
determiner and noun.
We can represent the type \nexteg{a} using an informal diagrammatic
tree notation which is common in linguistics as in
\nexteg{b}.\footnote{A similar use of tree notation, though relating
to typed feature structures rather than types, is used in HPSG
\citep[see, for example,][Chapter~2]{GinzburgSag2000}.}
\begin{ex}
\begin{subex}
\item \hspace*{1em}
\smallrecord{
\footnotesize{\textit{NP}}\\ \smalltfield{s-event}{\smallrecord{\smallmfield{e}{syn.daughters[0].s-event.e$^{\frown}$syn.daughters[0].s-event.e}{\textit{Phon}}}}\\
\smalltfield{syn}{\smallrecord{\smalltfield{daughters}{\textit{Det}$^{\frown}$\textit{N}}}}
\\
\smallmfield{cont}{syn.daughters[0].cont(syn.daughters[1].cont)}{\textit{Quant}}}
\item \Tree [.\textit{NP}\\$\alpha(\beta)$
\textit{Det}\\$\alpha$ \textit{N}\\$\beta$ ]
\end{subex}
\end{ex}
Here what is written under the category type (e.g. $\alpha$, $\beta$) represents the value in